This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses. Sentential proforms are highly interesting from the point of view of grammatical theory, since their occurrence is determined not only by syntax, but also by prosody and semantics. The present volume contributes to a better understanding of the interfaces between these different levels. By providing syntactic, prosodic, semantic, psycholinguistic and corpus-based support, this book underpins the claim that there exist different sentential proform types in German and Dutch, that these proform types correlate with different verb classes, and that their associated related clauses are located in different syntactic positions. The present volume also looks at a Hungarian sentential proform construction, which is similar to the German(ic) structure, but, at the same time, is different in its licensing conditions.

nexusstc/Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms: Syntactic properties and interpretative effects/9cbfb5650c91058469e91d4a056f69ec.pdf

lgli/Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms 978 90 272 5715 4.pdf

lgrsnf/Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms 978 90 272 5715 4.pdf

zlib/Languages/Grammar, dictionaries & phrasebooks/Werner Frey, André Meinunger, Kerstin Schwabe/Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms: Syntactic properties and interpretative effects_2855666.pdf

Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today)

Frey, Werner (editor);Meinunger, André (editor);Schwabe, Kerstin (editor)

Werner Frey (German linguist); André Meinunger; Kerstin Schwabe

Benjamins Publishing Company, John

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, Amsterdam, 2016

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, vol. 232, 2016

Linguistik aktuell, volume 232, Amsterdam, 2016

John Benjamins Publishing Co., Amsterdam, 2016

John Benjamins Publishing Company

Netherlands, Netherlands

UK ed., PS, 2016

2016 jul 11

0

lg1612669

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Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms 2
Editorial page 3
Title page 4
LCC data 5
Table of contents 6
Sentential proforms 8
1. The outset 8
2. Recent approaches to sentential proforms and relating clauses 10
2.1 Es-proforms 10
2.1.1 Hybrid approaches 11
2.1.2 Uniform approaches 12
2.1.3 Relationship between es-items and relating clauses 12
2.2 Prepositional correlates (ProPPs) 13
2.2.1 Hybrid approaches 14
2.2.2 Uniform approaches 15
2.2.3 Relationship between ProPPs and relating clauses 16
3. Longstanding questions and new contributions 16
3.1 Correlates and pro-forms 16
3.2 Complex DP- and PP-shells and the position of the related clause 17
3.3 Missing sentential proforms 18
3.4 Influence of sentential proforms on the sentence meaning 19
3.5 Difference between es- and das-proforms 20
3.6 Proforms and corresponding complex nouns 20
3.7 Lexical entries for sentential proforms 20
3.8 Crosslinguistic variation 21
4. The chapters 22
4.1 Theoretical and empirical arguments in favor of the hybrid approach 23
4.2 Special topics of proform constructions 25
References 26
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch 30
1. Introduction 30
2. Correlate-es in German 31
3. Correlate-es as an expletive? 33
4. Syntactic properties of correlate-es 33
5. Types of matrix verbs 40
6. Information structure 45
7. Dutch 50
8. Summary and open questions 53
References 53
Correlative es vs. das in German 56
1. Introduction 56
2. The correlative elements es/das in constructions with
argument clauses 57
2.1 Grammatical differences between es and das 57
2.2 Verb-class dependency 59
3. Experimental evidence for the distinction between placeholders and pro-forms 61
3.1 Acceptability ratings of es vs. das (Experiment 1) 62
3.1.1 Material 63
3.1.2 Procedure 64
3.1.3 Participants 64
3.1.4 Results and discussion 64
3.2 Es vs. das in a self-paced reading study (Experiment 2) 66
3.2.1 Material 66
3.2.2 Procedure 66
3.2.3 Participants 66
3.2.4 Results and discussion 66
4. The distinction between placeholder-es- and non-placeholder-es-taking verbs: Combining corpus and experimental evidence 68
4.1 Corpus study 69
4.1.1 Procedure 69
4.1.2 Results and discussion 70
4.2 An acceptability rating experiment on the verb-class-dependent use of placeholder es vs. anaphoric es (Experiment 3) 73
4.2.1 Material and procedure 73
4.2.2 Participants 74
4.2.3 Results and discussion 75
5. Summary 76
References 77
Appendix 78
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses 80
1. Various constructions with an inner-sentential clausal pro-form 80
2. The construction of the bedauern-class 83
3. The construction of the behaupten-class 90
4. The constructions with a prepositional adverb 94
5. The construction of the überraschen-class 101
6. Overview of the observed characteristics of the five constructions 105
7. The possibility of root phenomena in the dependent clause 106
8. Summary 108
References 109
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause* 112
0. Introduction 112
1. A prosodic distinction between extraposition and right dislocation 113
1.1 Default stress in German 113
1.2 The prosodic effects of focus and of givenness 115
1.3 A prosodic distinction between extraposition and right dislocation/afterthought 116
1.4 An information structure distinction between extraposition and right dislocation/afterthought 120
2. On the prosody of correlate constructions in German 123
2.1 PPs with da- 123
2.2 Right dislocation of clauses 124
2.3 Genuine correlates 126
2.4 Coindexed subject expletives 128
3. Analysis of the distinctions in prosody and information structure between extraposition, right dislocation, and afterthought 130
3.1 A deletion account of right dislocation and afterthought 130
3.2 Root sentences, sentence stress, and focus 133
3.3 Analysis of extraposition, RD, and AT 141
3.4 On the interaction of stress-assignment and deletion in RD and AT 143
4. Summary 147
References 148
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es 154
1. Introduction 154
2. Basic assumptions 157
3. Lexical entries 158
3.1 Positional es 159
3.2 Quasi-argument es 159
3.3 “Anaphoric” pronouns and pro-forms es, dessen, dem, das, da(r) 159
Anchor 91 160
3.4 The related item of anaphoric pronouns and pro-forms 161
3.5 The correlate es and its suppletive forms 163
4. Right dislocation vs. extraposition 166
5. Matrix-predicate types 168
6. Complex anaphoric and cataphoric DPs 170
7. Concluding remarks 174
References 175
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German 178
1. Introduction 178
2. The adverbial basis 183
3. The prepositional bases 185
3.1 ‘Below a location (static)’ 189
3.2 ‘Below a location (dynamic)’ 193
3.3 ‘Below a degree (static)’ 195
3.4 ‘Below a degree (dynamic)’ 196
3.5 ‘Identifiable by a linguistic or conceptual unit (static)’ 196
3.6 ‘Identifiable by a linguistic or conceptual unit (dynamic)’ 198
3.7 ‘Under a location (static)’ 198
3.8 ‘Under a location (dynamic)’ 200
3.9 ‘Caused by a burdening state of affairs’ 201
3.10 ‘Among a multitude (static)’ 203
3.11 ‘Among a multitude (dynamic)’ 204
4. The prepositional adverbs 204
4.1 ‘Below a location there (static)’ 207
4.2 ‘Caused by a burdening state of affairs there’ 211
4.3 ‘Among a multitude there (static)’ 212
5. Results 212
References 214
List of sources 216
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals 218
1. Introduction 218
2. Syntactic remarks on proforms and argument wenn-clauses 220
2.1 Construction types 220
2.2 Adverbial approach or complement approach 222
2.2.1 Pre-sentential argument wenn-clauses 223
2.2.2 Post-sentential argument wenn-clauses 225
2.2.3 Question-answer pairs and argument wenn-clauses 228
2.3 Proforms of pre- and post-sentential wenn-clauses 230
3. Syntactic structure of constructions with argument wenn-clauses 232
3.1 Pre-sentential argument wenn-clauses 233
3.2 Post-sentential argument wenn-clauses 235
3.3 Missing proforms 238
4. Conclusion 243
References 244
Rethinking clausal asymmetries 248
1. Introduction 248
2. The data: Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian 250
3. The syntax of pronoun insertion 252
3.1 The EF-analysis: The role of SpecCP 254
4. On the notion of predicationality 256
4.1 Predication vs. assertion 256
4.2 Predicational vs. non-predicational complements 259
5. The Predicationality Hypothesis 261
5.1 Pronoun insertion and predicationality 262
5.2 Summary 265
6. Information-structural consequences 266
6.1 Propositional (cataphoric) pronoun – Focusing 266
6.2 Propositional (anaphoric) pronoun – Backgrounding 268
6.3 Summary 270
7. Supporting evidence 270
7.1 Wh-expletives – Asymmetry 270
7.2 Extraction data – No asymmetry 271
8. Concluding remarks 273
References 274
Name Index 278
Subject Index 280

2017-01-16